Cape Gloucester: The Green Inferno
by Bernard C. Nalty
Establishing the Beachhead
The landings at Cape Merkus in mid-December caused
Matsuda to shift his troops to meet the threat, but this redeployment
did not account for the lack of resistance at the Yellow Beaches. The
Japanese general, familiar with the terrain of western New Britain, did
not believe that the Americans would storm these strips of sand
extending only a few yards inland and backed by swamp. Matsuda might
have thought differently had he seen the American maps, which labeled
the area beyond the beaches as "damp flat," even though aerial
photographs taken after preliminary air strikes had revealed no shadow
within the bomb craters, evidence of a water level high enough to fill
these depressions to the brim. Since the airfields were the obvious
prize, Matsuda did not believe that the Marines would plunge into the
muck and risk becoming bogged down short of their goal.
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Marines, almost invisible amid the undergrowth, advance
through the swamp forest of New Britain, optimistically called damp flat
on the maps they used. Department of Defense (USMC) photo 72833
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Besides forfeiting the immediate advantage of
opposing the assault force at the water's edge, Matsuda's troops
suffered the long-term, indirect effects of the erosion of Japanese
fortunes that began at Guadalcanal and on New Guinea and continued at
New Georgia and Bougainville. The Allies, in addition, dominated the
skies over New Britain, blunting the air attacks on the Cape Merkus
beachhead and bombing almost at will throughout the island. Although air
strikes caused little measurable damage, save at Rabaul, they
demoralized the defenders, who already suffered shortages of supplies
and medicine because of air and submarine attacks on seagoing convoys
and coastal shipping. An inadequate network of primitive trails, which
tended to hug the coastline, increased Matsuda's dependence on barges,
but this traffic, hampered by the American capture of Cape Merkus,
proved vulnerable to aircraft and later to torpedo craft and improvised
gunboats.
The two battalions that landed on the Yellow
BeachesWeber's on the left and Williams's on the
rightcrossed the sands in a few strides, and plunged through a
wall of undergrowth into the damp flat, where a Marine might be slogging
through knee-deep mud, step into a hole, and end up, as one on them
said, "damp up to your neck." A counterattack delivered as the assault
waves wallowed through the damp flat might have inflicted severe
casualties, but Matsuda lacked the vehicles or roads to shift his troops
in time to exploit the terrain. Although immobile on the ground, the
Japanese retaliated by air. American radar detected a flight of enemy
aircraft approaching from Rabaul; Army Air Forces P-38s intercepted, but
a few Japanese bombers evaded the fighters, sank the destroyer
Brownson with two direct hits, and damaged another.
The first enemy bombers arrived as a squadron of Army
B-25s flew over the LSTs [Landing Ships, Tank] enroute to attack targets
at Borgen Bay south of the Yellow Beaches. Gunners on board the ships
opened fire at the aircraft milling overhead, mistaking friend for foe,
downing two American bombers, and damaging two others. The survivors,
shaken by the experience, dropped their bombs too soon, hitting the
artillery positions of the 11th Marines at the left flank of Yellow
Beach 1, killing one and wounding 14 others. A battalion commander in
the artillery regiment recalled "trying to dig a hole with my nose, as
the bombs exploded, "trying to get down into the ground just a little
bit further."
The Jungle Battlefield
On New Britain, the 1st Marine Division fought
weather and terrain, along with a determined Japanese enemy. Rains
brought by seasonal monsoons seemed to fall with the velocity of a fire
hose, soaking everyone, sending streams from their banks, and turning
trails into quagmire. The terrain of the volcanic island varied from
coastal plain to mountains that rose as high as 7,000 feet above sea
level. A variety of forest covered the island, punctuated by patches of
grassland, a few large coconut plantations, and garden plots near the
scattered villages.
Much of the fighting, especially during the early
days, raged in swamp forest, sometimes erroneously described as damp
flat. The swamp forest consisted of scattered trees growing as high as
a hundred feet from a plain that remained flooded throughout the rainy
season, if not for the entire year. Tangled roots buttressed the
towering trees, but could not anchor them against gale-force winds,
while vines and undergrowth reduced visibility on the flooded surface to
a few yards.
No less formidable was the second kind of vegetation,
the mangrove forest, where massive trees grew from brackish water
deposited at high tide. Mangrove trees varied in height from 20 to 60
feet, with a visible tangle of thick roots deploying as high as ten feet
up the trunk and holding the tree solidly in place. Beneath the
mangrove canopy, the maze of roots, wandering streams, and standing
water impeded movement. Visibility did not exceed 15 yards.
Both swamp forest and mangrove forest grew at sea
level. A third form of vegetation, the true tropical rain forest,
flourished at higher altitude. Different varieties of trees formed an
impenetrable double canopy overhead, but the surface itself remained
generally open, except for low-growing ferns or shrubs, an occasional
thicket of bamboo or rattan, and tangles of vines. Although a Marine
walking beneath the canopy could see a standing man as far as 50 yards
away, a prone rifleman might remain invisible at a distance of just ten
yards.
Only one of the three remaining kinds of vegetation
seriously impeded military action. Second-growth forest, which often
took over abandoned garden tracts, forced patrolling Marines to hack
paths through the small trees, brush and vines. Grasslands posed a
lesser problem; though the vegetation grew tall enough to conceal the
Japanese defenders, it proveded comparatively easy going for the
Marines, unless the grass turned out to be wild sugar cane, with thick
stalks that grew to a height of 15 feet. Cultivated tracts, whether
coconut plantations or gardens, posed few obstacles to vision or
movement.
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By the time of the air action on the afternoon of
D-Day, the 1st Marine Division had already established a beachhead. The
assault battalions of the 7th Marines initially pushed ahead, capturing
Target Hill on the left flank, and then paused to await reinforcements.
During the day, two more battalions arrived. The 3d Battalion, 1st
Marinesdesignated Landing Team 31 and led by Lieutenant Colonel
Joseph F. Hankins, a Reserve officer who also was a crack
shootercame ashore at 0815 on Yellow Beach 1, passed through the
3d Battalion, 7th Marines, and veered to the northwest to lead the way
toward the airfields. By 0845, the 2d Battalion, 7th Marines, under
Lieutenant Colonel Odell M. Conoley, landed and began wading through the
damp flat to take its place between the regiment's 1st and 3d Battalions
as the beachhead expanded. The next infantry unit, the 1st Battalion,
1st Marines, reached Yellow Beach 1 at 1300 to join that regiment's 3d
Battalion, commanded by Hankins, in advancing on the airfields. The 11th
Marines, despite the accidental bombing, set up its artillery, an
operation in which the amphibian tractor played a vital part. Some of
the tractors brought lightweight 75mm howitzers from the LSTs directly
to the battery firing positions; others broke trail through the
undergrowth for tractors pulling the heavier 105mm weapons. Meanwhile,
Army trucks loaded with supplies rolled ashore from the LSTs. Logistics
plans called for these vehicles to move forward and function as mobile
supply dumps, but the damp flat proved impassable by wheeled vehicles,
and the drivers tended to abandon the trucks to avoid being left behind
when the shipping moved out, hurried along by the threat from Japanese
bombers. Ultimately, Marines had to build roads, corduroying them with
logs when necessary, or shift the cargo to amphibian tractors. Despite
careful planning and hard work on D-Day, the convoy sailed with about
100 tons of supplies still on board.
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As
the predicament of this truck and its Marine driver demonstrates,
wheeled vehicles, like those supplied by the Army for mobile supply
dumps, bog down in the mud of Cape Gloucester. Department of Defense (USMC)
photo
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While reinforcements and cargo crossed the beach, the
Marines advancing inland encountered the first serious Japanese
resistance. Shortly after 1000 on 26 December, Hankns's 3d Battalion,
1st Marines, pushed ahead, advancing in a column of companies because a
swamp on the left narrowed the frontage. Fire from camouflaged bunkers
killed Captain Joseph A. Terzi, commander of Company K, posthumously
awarded the Navy Cross for heroism while leading the attack, and his
executive officer, Captain Philip A. Wilheit. The sturdy bunkers proved
impervious to bazooka rockets, which failed to detonate in the soft
earth covering the structures, and to fire from 37mm guns, which could
not penetrate the logs protecting the occupants. An Alligator that had
delivered supplies for Company K tried to crush one of the bunkers but
became wedged between two trees. Japanese riflemen burst from cover and
killed the tractor's two machine gunners, neither of them protected by
armor, before the driver could break free. Again lunging ahead, the
tractor caved in one bunker, silencing its fire and enabling Marine
riflemen to isolate three others and destroy them in succession, killing
25 Japanese. A platoon of M4 Sherman tanks joined the company in time to
lead the advance beyond this first strongpoint.
Japanese service troopsespecially the men of
the 1st Shipping Engineers and the 1st Debarkation
Unitprovided most of the initial opposition, but Matsuda had
alerted his nearby infantry units to converge on the beachhead. One
enemy battalion, under Major Shinichi Takabe, moved into position late
on the afternoon of D-Day, opposite Conoley's 2d Battalion, 7th Marines,
which clung to a crescent-shaped position, both of its flanks sharply
refused and resting on the marshland to the rear. After sunset, the
darkness beneath the forest canopy became absolute, pierced only by
muzzle flashes as the intensity of the firing increased.
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On
D-Day, among the shadows on the jungle floor, Navy corpsmen administer
emergency treatment to a wounded Marine. Department of Defense (USMC) photo
69009
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The Japanese clearly were preparing to counterattack.
Conoley's battalion had a dwindling supply of ammunition, but amphibian
tractors could not begin making supply runs until it became light enough
for the drivers to avoid tree roots and fallen trunks as they navigated
the damp flat. To aid the battalion in the dangerous period before the
skies grew pale, Lieutenant Colonel Lewis B. Puller, the executive
officer of the 7th Marines, organized the men of the regimental
Headquarters and Service Company into carrying parties to load
themselves down with ammunition and wade through the dangerous swamp.
One misstep, and a Marine burdened with bandoliers of rifle ammunition
or containers of mortar shells could stumble and drown. When Colonel
Frisbie, the regimental commander, decided to reinforce Conoley's
Marines with Battery D, 1st Special Weapons Battalion, Puller had the
men leave their 37mm guns behind and carry ammunition instead. A guide
from Conoley's headquarters met the column that Puller had pressed into
service and began leading them forward, when a blinding downpour, driven
by a monsoon gale, obscured landmarks and forced the heavily laden
Marines to wade blindly onward, each man clinging to the belt of the one
ahead of him. Not until 0805, some twelve hours after the column started
off, did the men reach their goal, put down their loads, and take up
their rifles.
Conoley's Marines had in the meantime been fighting
for their lives since the storm first struck. A curtain of rain
prevented mortar crews from seeing their aiming stakes, indeed, the
battalion commander described the men as firing "by guess and by God."
Mud got on the small-arms ammunition, at times jamming rifles and
machine guns. Although forced to abandon water-filled foxholes, the
defenders hung on. With the coming of dawn, Takabe's soldiers gravitated
toward the right flank of Conoley's unit, perhaps in a conscious effort
to outflank the position, or possibly forced in that direction by the
fury of the battalion's defensive fire. An envelopment was in the making
when Battery D arrived and moved into the threatened area, forcing the
Japanese to break off the action and regroup.
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The
stumps of trees shattered by artillery and the seemingly bottomless mud
can sometimes stymie even an LVT. Department of Defense (USMC) photo
72599
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